Democracy didn’t break overnight—2026 will reveal if Memphis lets it die

An October protest in Memphis, led by Tikiela Rucker, over the presence of the Tennessee National Guard reflects disillusionment with notions of public safety and fractured democratic values. (Photo: Karen Pulfer Focht for the Tennessee Lookout)

As we enter 2026, the United States is not simply polarized. We are disoriented. 

There is a widening crisis of faith in democracy, governance, the economy and religion. 

Institutions once trusted to anchor public life now feel distant, compromised or hollow. For many, especially in Black communities, the question is no longer whether the system is broken, but whether it still belongs to us at all.

This crisis is not merely emotional. It is structural. And it is deeply tied to the weakening relationship between our electoral process and the institutions historically responsible for shaping moral clarity, political literacy and prophetic imagination. For Black communities, those institutions have been consistent and indispensable: Black churches and Black educational institutions, particularly historically Black colleges and universities.

When these institutions are underfunded, marginalized, or reduced to symbolic relevance, democratic participation erodes. Civic education thins. Political engagement becomes reactive instead of intentional. Moral formation gives way to confusion, cynicism, and despair.

Nowhere will this reality matter more in 2026 than in Memphis and Shelby County.

Locally, we are navigating a public safety conundrum shaped by contradiction. Crime has declined and did so before the creation of the Memphis Safe Task Force in September. That fact deserves honesty. 

But it is not the full truth. Many residents still do not feel safe. Violence remains too present in too many neighborhoods. For law abiding Black and Hispanic Memphians — the majority in Memphis — law enforcement strategies often feel more like profiling than protection.

The contradiction has produced a fractured narrative. Local and federal entities point to data and demand celebration. Many Black Memphians point to lived experience and demand accountability. When our political and civic leaders refuse to hold both truths at once, trust erodes. Public safety becomes a political talking point rather than a shared moral responsibility.

This tension will be magnified by the electoral calendar. In 2026, Shelby County voters will face three elections: a county primary in May, a combined county general and state and federal primary in August and national midterm elections in November. These elections will test more than turnout. They will test whether people still believe democracy belongs to them.

If democracy is to mean anything tangible this year, we must be willing to name clear goals. One such goal should be a minimum 20 percent increase in voter turnout in each election compared to the previous cycle. Not as a symbolic aspiration, but as a measurable indicator of whether our institutions are educating, mobilizing and empowering the public.

That level of participation does not happen accidentally. It must be cultivated. Historically, Black churches and HBCUs have done this work by pairing civic education with theological grounding and political discernment.

In Memphis, that work is already happening, often without sufficient support. At Abyssinian Baptist Church, civic engagement is treated as a moral and theological obligation, not a seasonal activity. Through initiatives like UPTheVote901 — a civic organization designed to boost voter turnout, and one in which I am involved — we work to educate and mobilize voters while protecting their dignity without partisan alignment.

At LeMoyne-Owen College, an HBCU founded to educate and empower formerly enslaved people, civic formation remains central to its mission of producing critically conscious graduates equipped to serve and lead.

But voter participation alone is not enough.

Renewal of democratic values in Shelby County requires full funding of Black institutions

The second goal for 2026 must be the full and sustained funding of Black institutions, not merely Black-led organizations. There is a difference. Too often, white-controlled institutions place Black leadership at the forefront while maintaining extractive power structures behind the scenes. That is not empowerment. It is cover.

If Memphis and Shelby County are serious about democratic renewal, Black institutions accountable to Black communities must be resourced to operate with independence, integrity, and longevity. This includes churches, HBCUs, and grassroots civic organizations committed to long-term formation rather than short-term political gain.

This work must also be grounded in an expanded Memphis People’s Agenda, which was developed from more than 2,000 community surveys identifying core concerns around the City budget, labor and wages, housing and the environment, education, and public safety. The Agenda should function not as a static document, but as a living framework that aligns policy priorities with the lived realities of working people, young people, and those most impacted by violence, disinvestment, and political neglect.

This is not a call for partisan loyalty. It is a call for institutional integrity.

Black churches must reclaim their prophetic voice without becoming campaign machines. HBCUs must deepen civic engagement without fear of political retaliation. And the public must recognize that prophetic institutions require more than praise. They require participation, trust, and financial investment.

2026 is a make-or-break year for Memphis and Shelby County. Not because of any single election or task force, but because of what this moment demands collectively. Democracy is not self-sustaining. Freedom requires formation.

The future is not guaranteed. But it is still up for grabs.