Explainer: NLRB Sues New York Over Labor Law; And How Winning by Waiting is a Union Busting Tactic
Staff report
WASHINGTON — The National Labor Relations Board has filed suit against the State of New York, saying a newly signed labor law improperly intrudes on federal authority and risks upending decades of national labor law.
The lawsuit, filed Sept. 12 by Acting General Counsel William B. Cowen, challenges S.8034A, a measure signed into law by Gov. Kathy Hochul on Sept. 5. The law amends the State Labor Relations Act to give the New York Public Employment Relations Board authority over private-sector union elections and unfair labor practice cases.
Cowen said the law is preempted by the 1935 National Labor Relations Act, which gave the NLRB exclusive jurisdiction over private-sector labor relations nationwide. He argued that the state measure, though well intentioned, would only lead to confusion.
“Employers, unions, and employees deserve clarity on their legal rights and regulatory obligations,” Cowen said in a statement. “Attempts such as this only create confusion, waste employees’ time, delay the ultimate resolution of labor disputes, and drive up costs for businesses.”
The NLRB has been operating without a quorum of board members, leaving its Acting General Counsel with authority to pursue litigation. Cowen said the lawsuit was necessary to preserve the agency’s role and ensure consistency in labor law.
While the lawsuit is framed as a constitutional battle over jurisdiction, the stakes are practical: delays in the federal system can derail union efforts before they ever succeed.
Bottom line: The NLRB insists it is defending the Constitution and maintaining a single national standard. But the decision will keep workers tied to a system where delay itself can be the difference between a successful organizing drive and a failed one.
Example:
Putting this example alongside the earlier discussion, here’s how delays in the JFK8 case reflect broader problems:
Employers have long fought union drives with direct tactics — anti-union consultants, captive-audience meetings, or even firings. But another, subtler weapon is proving just as powerful: delay. By tying disputes up in courts or dragging them through the slow-moving federal labor system, companies can sap momentum, wear down workers, and often outlast union campaigns altogether.
Here are three examples that show how time itself has become a union-busting tool.
In April 2022, workers at Amazon’s JFK8 warehouse on Staten Island voted to form the first U.S. Amazon union. It was a historic victory. But more than two years later, the union still doesn’t have a first contract.
Amazon has kept the case tied up by filing legal objections, challenging the election’s validity, and appealing NLRB rulings. The company has also fought NLRB enforcement orders in federal court, arguing over technicalities while continuing to operate without a union contract.
The result: workers are left waiting. Some of the original organizers have moved on. Turnover has weakened the drive. The momentum that carried the election victory has been blunted by a drawn-out legal war.
For unions, the message is clear — even when you win the vote, you can lose to time.
In 2025, Starbucks imposed a stricter dress code requiring workers to buy specific black shirts, khaki or denim pants, and compliant footwear. Workers said the policy unfairly forced them to pay out of pocket. Lawsuits were filed in California, Colorado, and Illinois, alongside unfair labor practice charges with the NLRB.
But those cases will take months or years to resolve. In the meantime, baristas are required to comply or risk losing shifts. Even if courts eventually rule Starbucks must reimburse costs, the damage is already done — workers have borne the expenses, and the organizing momentum is undercut.
Unions call this “busting by attrition.” The company doesn’t need to win quickly in court; it simply needs to wait out the process while workers absorb the costs and frustrations. Once again, delay is the weapon.
New York lawmakers tried to address this problem directly. A law signed in September 2025 would have given the state’s Public Employment Relations Board authority over private-sector union elections and unfair labor practices. Supporters argued it could speed up disputes and keep employers from running out the clock on workers.
But within a week, the National Labor Relations Board filed a lawsuit against New York, saying the law violates federal supremacy. The NLRB insists it alone has jurisdiction over private-sector labor disputes.
That keeps one national standard in place — but also locks workers into the same slow federal system. Critics say it effectively preserves the status quo where delay often benefits employers and undermines organizing efforts.
At Indiana University, graduate employees began organizing in earnest in 2022, demanding recognition of their union to negotiate over wages, health benefits, and working conditions. Instead of outright union-busting tactics, the university adopted a different approach: refusing to recognize the union at all.
Without recognition, no election was held under the Indiana Labor Relations Board, and no contract negotiations began. Administrators instead waited — offering incremental stipends or adjustments while letting time pass. With each passing semester, turnover eroded organizing strength as graduate workers graduated and left campus.
By doing nothing, IU effectively achieved what Amazon and Starbucks accomplished with legal challenges: it ran out the clock. Graduate workers’ campaigns slowed under the weight of waiting, showing how non-recognition itself can be a form of union busting.
Taken together, these cases show how delay has become a structural barrier to union power:
The post Explainer: NLRB Sues New York Over Labor Law; And How Winning by Waiting is a Union Busting Tactic first appeared on The Bloomingtonian.
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